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People waiting in a lineup outside a building, wearing masks in San Francisco during the Spanish Flu in 1918
People waiting, wearing masks in San Francisco during the Spanish Flu in 1918.

Pandemic Denial & Anti-Masking Sentiments

Throughout history and within contemporary society, disease and pandemics have typically been accompanied by extreme accusations, denial, misinformation, and mistrust (Navarro, 2020; Newey, 2020), which only exacerbate the death toll (Little, 2020b). Examples of pandemic denial were evident during the 1918 influenza pandemic. During the flu’s first wave in the spring and early summer of 1918, some European and U.S. newspapers claimed that the flu wasn’t a serious threat (Little, 2020b). In the late summer, during the deadly second wave, the Interior Minister of Italy denied reports of the flu spreading (Martini et al., 2019). Anti-masking claims were also widespread during the Spanish flu pandemic (Carstairs, 2020; McMullan et al., 2020; Navarro, 2020). Although there was initial support for mask wearing, compliance declined rapidly due to discomfort, skepticism about efficacy, and perceived harm to commerce (Carstairs, 2020; Little, 2020a; Navarro, 2020).

A century later, similar dynamics re-emerged during the COVID-19 pandemic. Despite substantial scientific evidence that masks reduce the spread of respiratory viruses, including SARS-CoV-2, public compliance in the United States was inconsistent. One study estimated that fewer than half of U.S. adults consistently wore masks in public indoor spaces during 2020–2021 (Key, 2021; Miller, 2020). Yet, epidemiological and laboratory research demonstrated that mask use—particularly the use of high-filtration respirators (e.g., N95s)—significantly reduced infection risk. For instance, a California case-control study found that individuals who always wore a face mask or respirator indoors had a 56% lower adjusted odds of testing positive for COVID-19 compared to those who never wore one (Andrejko et al., 2022). Similarly, meta-analyses concluded that mask use was associated with approximately a 50% reduction in SARS-CoV-2 infection risk (Wang et al., 2020; “Effectiveness of Wearing Masks,” 2022). Despite such evidence, politicization and misinformation fueled public resistance and anti-mask movements, echoing the same social divisions and denial seen during past pandemics.


Click the link below to learn more about the history of anti-masking sentiments:

Masking Resistance During A Pandemic Isn’t New – In 1918 Many Americans Were “Slackers”

Misinformation & Scapegoating

The stigmatizing and scapegoating of convenient targets is common during pandemics (Cole, 2020). Pandemic misinformation, conspiracy theories and the impact of low-science literacy levels, are integral in creating and reinforcing “us versus them” mindsets that lead to stigmatizing, scapegoating, and targeting of certain populations during pandemics (Miller, 2020; Poos, 2020). During the Black Death, Jewish people were blamed for spreading the plague by poisoning wells and streams. This led to the mass murder of the Jewish population by Christian mobs, across hundreds of communities (Cole, 2020; Poos, 2020). In 19th century U.S, immigrants were blamed for a variety of infections, including polio and cholera (Cole, 2020). Despite the Spanish Flu being accelerated by the movement of soldiers during WWI, German submarines and “enemy agents” were blamed for the spread of the flu by allied nations (e.g., the UK, U.S.) (Newey, 2020). With AIDS, the 2SLGBTQi community was targeted, followed by people who inject drugs (PWID), Haitians, and people with Hemophilia (Altman, 1983). With COVID-19, hate, violence and blame has been levelled against people of Asian descent, resulting from its label as “the China virus” (Lu, 2021; Poos, 2020; Vazquez, 2020).

The Anti-Vaccination Movement

Another common feature of both past and present pandemics is disinformation, including: the denial of the safety and importance of vaccinations. The deep-rooted beliefs that underlie vaccine opposition have remained somewhat consistent since the introduction of smallpox vaccine in 1796, the very first vaccine created (Haelle, 2020; Youngdahl, 2016), although the exact concerns vary according to the cultural anxieties of the time (Haelle, 2021; Poos, 2020). Anti-Vaccination leagues, founded in the mid- to late-1800s in the U.K. and U.S, spurred anti-vaccination sentiments and distrust of medicine. This resulted in the questioning of the safety and efficacy of, and the motives behind, the smallpox vaccine and every vaccine developed since then (e.g., Diphtheria, Tetanus, Polo [DTP]; Measles, Mumps and Rubella [MMR]) (Haelle, 2021; McNamara, 2021; Youngdahl, 2016).

Vaccine hesitancy has had negative public health impacts. In terms of smallpox, anti-vaccination sentiments led to a significant decline in immunization rates, and the re-emergence of smallpox just a couple of decades later (McNamara, 2021). Over the past few decades, hesitancy has led to “outbreaks of communicable infections such as measles” (Geoghegan et al., 2020, p. 1). With COVID-19, we find rates of hospitalization and death increase in regions where vaccine hesitancy and resistance to other health preventive measures, like masking and social distancing, are prevalent (Hanna et al., 2021). We also see attacks against people associated with the virus, vaccines, and public health measures. This ranges from violence against people of Asian descent (Lu, 2021; Poos, 2020; Vazquez, 2020), to the picketing of hospitals, as well as harassment and assault of medical and hospital personnel (Larkin, 2021; Miller, 2021; Ungerleider & Warren, 2022).

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