Unpacking the Linguistic Landscape as a Multimodal Semiotic Landscape

Since the seminal definition by Landry and Bourhis (1997), the transdisciplinary field of Linguistic Landscape (LL) studies has blossomed into many scholarly fields, including Applied Linguistics. The field of Linguistic Landscape “attempts to understand the motives, uses, ideologies, language varieties and contestations of multiple forms of ‘languages’ as they are displayed in public spaces” (LL Journal, cited in Gorter, 2018, p. 81). LL studies offer compelling insights into the culture of a place, particularly how signs in the built environment mediate human activity (see, e.g., Scollon & Scollon, 2005). Consequently, it led scholars to examine how to leverage LL studies in SLA (e.g., Malinowski, Maxim, & Dubreil, 2020; Dubreil, Malinowski, & Maxim, 2023) and examine how multiple modalities contribute to meaning interpretation.

Example 1: A Halal Butcher Shop in Angers, Western France

Exercise

The first exercise will focus on a single sign from a marquee for a butcher shop taken in Angers, France (see Figure 1). It is designed to place the reader in the position of a semiotic landscape analyst, which is ultimately what we ask our students to do. In fact, this example could be used as a classroom activity.

Figure 1. Marquee of a Halal Butcher Shop in Monplaisir, Angers.

Questions

1. What information can you derive from the linguistic mode? (halal butcher shop/general food store/exotic oriental products)
2. What implications or inferences can you draw from this information? (e.g., think about the author of the sign, the intended audience)
3. What other information can you draw from the non-linguistic information (e.g., color, font?)
4. What inferences or hypotheses would you formulate based on the non-linguistic information?
5. Where do you imagine this sign is located in the built environment?
6. What, if anything, do you make of the multicolored rectangles that serve as a backdrop to the sign?
7. To what extent are you confident in the conclusions or hypotheses you have formulated? Why are you (not) confident?
8. What other information do you think you would need to further refine your hypotheses or conclusions?

Below you will find a little more information about this particular sign and its context.

Context

The picture above was taken in Angers’ Quartier Monplaisir, a working-class neighborhood that displays a vibrant multi-ethnic, and multilingual culture with a bi-weekly open-air market. As is often the case, a very diverse population has settled here, including people from Eastern Europe and the Maghreb. In this context, we see a very distinct LL in Monplaisir that indexes this multiplicity of cultural origins and identities (see, Figure 2):

Figure 2. Collage of the Linguistic Landscape of Monplaisir.

Reading the sign

If we zoom out slightly (from Figure 2), we gain more context and information (see Figure 3):

Figure 3. Marrakech Boucherie Halal Storefront. Medium shot of the marquee, including patrons of the halal butcher shop in Monplaisir.

The first thing one notices about this marquee is that it is red, with white letters— a common color scheme for a butcher shop in France. The wording on the marquee reads in order, “halal butcher shop/general grocery store/exotic oriental products,” which appears to be a fairly straightforward message. This is primarily a butcher shop that sells halal meat (slaughtered according to Islamic law). This likely posits the existence of a Muslim clientele. However, this is also a store selling other food products. Two languages are present: French and Arabic. The Arabic text on the bottom right of the marquee indicates the possibility of an addressee who speaks Arabic. Souk (“market” in Arabic) Marrakech, at the bottom left, indexes an affiliation with Morocco. For a market selling “oriental products,” this reinforces the idea of authenticity and provenance of the merchandise, but in this case, it may appeal equally to both North African and French audiences.

Going back to the top part of the marquee, however, one can also note the use of a typeface (or font) that is associated with or indexes Middle Eastern or North African cultures as “oriental” (as stated in the sign, “produits orientaux”), which points to a colonial flavor or legacy of “orientalism.” While the Arabic is clearly aimed at an Arabic-speaking population on the one hand (or an attempt to look more authentic to a French-only speakers on the other hand), one can question whom the main sign is intended for, especially given the emphasis on “exotic products.” For populations of North African origin, these products might not be considered exotic. If “Boucherie Hallal” does appeal to a Muslim audience, it appeals to one that is French speaking, which may provide insights into the language preference of some French speakers (be they citizens of non-citizens) of Muslim faith or indicate that not all Muslims in France are of Moroccan origin. In the same way, the name “Souk Marrakech” arguably appeals more to a French cultural context than to a Moroccan one.

The observation of social activity seems to confirm this hypothesis, given the patronage seen in the picture. With more room, we could also unpack the positionality of the French Muslim community. Suffice it to say that the interpretation of the sign emerges from an intricate interplay of intertextualities, identity positionalities, and conventions between its author, its intended audience, its modes, and its cultural contexts of production and reception. This game is played in the spatialization of the sign (in its construction, including language(s), colors, and position: in other words, its geo-semiotics) and how it shapes the social activity around it (considering users’ available designs, their act of designing meaning, and the ensuing redesign, that is to say, how users of the space perceive the store, whether they choose to shop there, etc.).

Example 2: Breizh Cola: From “Far West” to “Phare Ouest” and back

The context

Launched in 2002, the company Phare Ouest, an offshoot of the independent Breton brewery Lancelot, started producing an altercola branded “Breizh Cola” (see, Figure 4). “Breizh” is the Breton name for Brittany, the westernmost region of France, and “cola” designates a soda aimed at competing with the two giants, Coca-Cola and Pepsi-Cola. A pioneer in a market known as “regionalist sodas,” Breizh Cola has crafted its brand in a clever manner that leverages multimodal communication to establish itself as an intrepid global brand with strong regional ties.

Figure 4. Le Cola de Bretagne.

Exercises

Look at the two images below, all taken from ad campaigns for Breizh Cola, to explore how the imagery and the language combine to create meaning.

Image 1

• What information are you able to derive from the linguistic mode?
• What implications or inferences do you derive from this information?
• What other information are you able to draw from other (non-linguistic) modes?
• What information or hypothesis would you formulate based on the non-linguistic information?
• What hypotheses can you formulate about the communicative intention of the ad creators?

N.B.: Le phare is French for “lighthouse”; Bretagne is French for Brittany

Figure 5. Le Cola du Phare Ouest: Breizh Cola Lighthouse Ad Campaign

Image 2

Figure 6. Breizh Cola Débarque à Paris (Breizh Cola Arrives in Paris)

• Where is the scene taking place? How do you know?
• What historical events are referenced in this ad?
• How are the colors contributing to the atmosphere of the ad?
• What is your hypothesis about who the character in the ad is?
• What characteristics would you associate with this woman?
• How is the Cola bottle portrayed?
• What hypotheses can you formulate about the communicative intention of the ad creators?

N.B.: “débarquer” is French for “to land”; “ravitailler” is French for “to resupply”

More context

The first of its kind in France, Breizh Cola has since inspired other regional productions. Before delving further into how Breizh Cola has marketed itself over the years, let’s pause to consider the name of the company itself. Phare Ouest is a homophone of the English lexical borrowing into French, “Far West,” which is the expression French people use to describe the Wild West. It is constituted of two words, “l’ouest” (the cardinal direction) and “le phare” (the lighthouse), a frequent sight in Brittany, which boasts about 50 of them over 2,000 miles of coastline (Brittany is 160 x 120 miles). Other than its rugged coastline, Brittany is also known for its storms (wind and rain). So, from its inception, Phare Ouest, through Breizh Cola, has positioned its brand as having both a strong territorial anchoring and a conversation with the US.

Establishing an identity

Breizh Cola’s ad campaigns offer some interesting insights into what image the brand wants to project and how it positions itself, both on the market and culturally.

Figure 5. Le Cola du Phare Ouest: Breizh Cola Lighthouse Ad Campaign

In this image, the soda bottle in the foreground, red and white stands out against the green background. It is immediately identifiable as a cola bottle owing to the lettering, which is reminiscent of the original Coca Cola bottle (minus the shape). The majestic stature of the bottle also indexes strength as it seems to withstand the storm in an unflappable fashion. It seems even less battered by the elements than the smaller actual lighthouse in the background, which appears engulfed in the storm, both because of its size relative to the waves and because the coloring makes it blend with the monochromatic background. Finally, the use of the definite article “Le” sitting by itself at the top of the top left of the poster, by virtue of how French is read, indexes something unique (“it is *the* beverage around here”) and reinforces the idea of Breizh Cola as a beacon to quench your thirst. The circular label at the bottom left of the poster echoes the quality labels often found on French products (see below), further positioning Breizh Cola as being anchored in a specific “terroir” (i.e., being from a specific local provenance) and having a global reach.

Figure 7. Quality Label on French Products.

Some of these elements are further explored and leveraged in the two advertising posters below. From a décor perspective, the viewer is situated in a fictional environment that blends elements from both Breton and American cultures.

Taking on the giants

In January 2013, Breizh Cola took on Coca and Pepsi on the national market by trying to secure distribution outlets in Paris. In February, Breizh Cola organized a press conference almost literally across the street from Coca-Cola’s Parisian headquarters, announcing their inroads with some distributors there. They backed this up with a clever ad campaign (poster, social media campaign) and a publicity stunt with four of its employees who delivered four cases of Breizh Cola to Paris by driving the 250 miles from the brewery to the capital in a pedal car (the 3 minute 30 second video trailer is worth a viewing and a multimodal analysis!). The event was documented on social media and turned into a hugely successful marketing tour de force for several reasons: (1) Coca-Cola’s popularity surge after World War II and the Allies’ landing in Normandy, known as “Le Débarquement” in French, and (2) the settlement of over 1.2 million Bretons in Paris, primarily in the Southwestern part of the city, always ready to support their “home” culture. The pièce de résistance of this expedition was the ad poster below (Figure 6):

Figure 6. Breizh Cola Débarque à Paris (Breizh Cola Arrives in Paris)

The poster is framed by the Eiffel Tower on the left (the most iconic monument to efficiently situate the scene takes place in Paris) and the Breizh Cola bottle, steady and ice cold, on the right. The background depicts familiar imagery to those who have seen, among others, The Longest Day, with airplanes and paratroopers flooding the sky. On the right, there is more recent imagery of a helicopter bringing in food and supplies. In the foreground, the Bigouden in black and crimson uniform, is now shown driving the iconic WWII Jeep, also in red. A “Bigouden” is a woman from the Bigouden Country, a small area in the westernmost part of Brittany, wearing a tall white ceremonial headdress and a black outfit. Bigouden women have a reputation for being tough. World-renowned Breton author Pêr-Jakez Heliaz famously wrote,

In my country, however, women deserve to be in charge, owing to their continued sacrifices, sense of service, and indomitable pride. Without them, it is not possible to account for more than a quarter of what we are. They are depositories of our depth; men too often display superficiality. (p. 458, Dubreil’s translation)

In addition to the red color reflecting the company’s identity, what this choice also connotes is that Breizh Cola is not even trying to camouflage its arrival. The goal is to make a splash and conquer the Parisian—and by extension, the national—market. The Jeep is adorned once again with the Gwen ha Du, the Breton flag, to index that it is truly the Bretons landing in Paris. The logo on the car, BZH13, indicates the origin, Brittany, and the date, 2013. Notably, the font there and the message “Breizh Cola débarque à Paris” [Breizh Cola lands in Paris] use the same font as the American armored vehicles during D-Day. “Le grand ravitaillement” [The great resupply] shows that Breizh Cola’s arrival in Paris is a matter of great urgency and survival.

The strength of the message, however, comes from the implicit message conveyed by the combination of all these modalities. By subverting an imagery that most people would associate with the liberation of Paris in August 1944, Breizh Cola is attempting to free France from the imperialist hegemony of Coca-Cola and Pepsi-Cola on the French market. Incidentally, it is interesting to note that the strategy worked in that Coca Cola has tailored its advertising campaign specifically to Brittany to counteract the rise of Breizh Cola in Brittany and, more largely, in France. This example shows how a multimodal sign makes meaning in and of itself and how much the interpretation of said meaning gains depth when considering contextual variables such as geography, history, and cultural context of production and reception.

Multimodal Remixing Abroad: Video Reflections and Vlogs for Repair and Reflection

Exercise

Multimodal projects like video reflections, blogs, and vlogs (video blogs) have often been used in LC2 English learning contexts, but are less explored in the study abroad context for other languages. The example below presents results about the potential of engaging students in the creation of vlogs, one type of multimodal composition activity, while studying abroad.

Before reading the example, reflect on the following questions:

1. What are the top three types of multimodal learning activities you would consider with LC2 students in study abroad contexts
2. What do you think are the main limitations or obstacles to these learning activities?
3. How would you scaffold the integration of these learning activities into your study abroad classroom?
4. How would you assess these learning activities?

Pedagogical context

The following illustrative example of multimodal composing abroad stems from a study conducted with college students from the United States who were learning French in a six-week study abroad program in Paris. Twenty undergraduate students participated in the intermediate third-year study abroad courses (twelve in 2018 and eight in 2019). These courses were framed within the pedagogy of multiliteracies, and students were asked to design a variety of multimodal blogs, vlogs, and video reflections throughout their courses.

Multimodal coursework was scaffolded through three multimodal composing workshops. The first workshop involved a multimodal analysis of pre-existing study abroad vlog videos on YouTube. Students worked collaboratively to analyze how and why the vloggers used photos, gifs, video, fonts, text, gesture, and music. The second workshop focused on translanguaging (Cenoz & Gorter, 2014). The instructor asked students to view another set of vlogs and examine the use of French, French slang, and other languages, varieties, or registers in relation to the non-linguistic modes used in the vlogs. Technological workshops were implemented throughout the program to highlight how to use tools like Google Slides, Audacity, iMovie, and Adobe Spark to create multimodal projects.

Analyzing Culture Multimodally

“I have less rose-colored glasses”

In their multimodal blogs and vlogs, students problematized cultural stereotypes, especially in the second cohort (2019). One of the 2019 students, Bea, used her first vlog to reflect on commonalities between French culture and culture in the United States (Figure 8).

Figure 8. Bea Making a Humorous Cultural Comparison through Voice, Image, Text, Font, and Sound

In the screenshot from her vlog (Figure 8), we observe her comparison of the restroom line for women and men. In her voiceover, she discusses the similarity in France and the United States, noting that women’s restrooms seem to have a longer waiting line than men’s. As she narrates, she includes video of her peers waiting in line for the restroom. While analyzing culture, she also appeals to her peer audience through multimodal and multilingual humor, including GIFs, sunglasses, and the spinning pink texts “GURRRRL,” “Girl Gang,” and “BOY BYE” in different fonts that accompany her voiceover. These expressions are textual borrowings and redeployment from slang and/or other forms of online discourse. Bea additionally leverages sound through a clock ticking sound effect as well as sounds of sheep and cows, to comically refer to the women waiting in line for the restroom as a cross-cultural phenomenon. This scene from her vlog was particularly discussed by her all-women peers and instructor, perhaps because they all felt she had built solidarity through her multimodal and humorous comparison.

When asked about her experiences in the design interview following her trip, Bea said that as a result of her multimodal vlogs:

I think I have less rose-colored glasses…I don’t see French culture anymore as  this beautiful – I mean it is absolutely beautiful. But it’s not perfect, and neither is the American culture by far.

Many of Bea’s peers likewise used translanguaging, sound effects, music, and graphics to weave humor into their vlog, blog, and video reflection discussions on culture. This example echoes previous research (Hellmich et al., 2021) and illustrates how French learners often use humor to compose for their classmate audience. Several students also chose to post their vlogs and blogs publicly on sites such as YouTube, Weebly, and Wix, which they often shared with their friends and (host) family. This demonstrates the importance of perceived audience for cultural analyses in multimodal projects. It is also interesting to note that the 2019 reflections on culture were longer, more nuanced, showed more depth, and incorporated more simultaneous modes than the 2018 reflections. This is likely a result of the enhanced pedagogical workshops that were implemented in 2019. The 2019 students participated in three workshops: a multimodal composing workshop, a translanguaging workshop, and mini-technological workshops about how to use multimodal composing tools (Pacheco et al., 2022). It is possible that the incorporation of these workshops contributed to the longer, more nuanced, and more apt modal use among the 2019 cohort as compared to the 2018 cohort.

Potential Pedagogical Implications for Research and Teaching

The definition of literacy needs to be drastically expanded to incorporate a deliberate engagement with multimodality and multimodal literacy. As we endeavored to illustrate in the examples above, this deliberate engagement should seek to guide students to interpret what multimodal texts mean and how they act, which will help students produce multimodal texts themselves so that they experience how they can exert agency on their own world and the world around them, in other words, this will turn our students into locuteurs/acteurs (Kern & Liddicoat, 2008).

The first two examples illustrate the complexity of multimodal signs; the third example shows the depth and agility with which students engaged with the task of composing multimodal texts. Students designed meaningful and nuanced multimodal projects (with more modal layering, overlap, and content reflection). Throughout the learning activities, students can develop their identities both as multilinguals and as multimodal composers. In fact, when given the opportunity to compose for a wider “real” audience (e.g., family at home, host family, or even YouTube), students often stretch the horizon of possibilities of what they can do with signs (e.g., unique uses of humor) (Amgott 2022; Casteñeda, 2013).

This emphasis on multimodality and multimodal literacy also has implications for future research. For example, more empirical research is needed to explore student and teacher perspectives on multimodal composing to understand how they leverage multimodal resources to produce texts. This research is needed in domestic contexts and, perhaps more importantly, in study abroad contexts where we could systematically examine (1) how students tend engage with the multimodal ecosystem of the host country/culture and how they may choose to remix social media into their own multimodal projects and (2) what factors motivate students to use multimodal texts in the development of their identity.