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7.1 Decolonization and Language Teaching / Kuondoa Ukoloni na Ufundishaji wa Lugha

Jamie A. Thomas

Introduction: A Tweet Goes Viral in the U.S.

“Like many students, I grew up thinking that the most important books were written by white men,” writes Texas-based U.S. American literary scholar and educator Yvette DeChavez in the Los Angeles Times. Her 2018 op-ed describes her experiences as a recent literature PhD, elaborating upon her viral tweet from earlier the same year (see Figure 1). In that social media post, DeChavez went public with her call to “decolonize your syllabus.”

Tweet of Dr. Yvette De Chavez describing a situation where she was asked to change her syllabus to appeal to a wider audience.

In recent years, a related proliferation of decolonizing discourse has gained currency among applied linguists, language educators, and others. But what do calls to “decolonize your syllabus” or “decolonize our schools” or “decolonize our thinking” really mean in practical terms, particularly in the arena of language teaching? And how might language educators meaningfully support and respond to the language needs and concerns of learners and their communities?

In this chapter, we will explore examples of language as used in course syllabi, classroom dialogue, as well as statements on the Indigenous provenance of an institution’s location, otherwise known as land acknowledgments. Such statements have become a more prevalent practice in North America, a continent historically occupied by outsider populations who remain reluctant to restore control and visibility to Indigenous nations.

Below, you will find a sampling of two land acknowledgments currently in use by U.S. colleges and universities. You are encouraged to return to these example land acknowledgments as you work your way through this chapter. Use these examples as sources to consider the multiple configurations and impacts of colonization around the world, and the roles that language—and language teaching—can play in shaping our response to previous harms and also our collective futures and understandings. For example, note the common use of unceded in these examples, a term connoting how lands were claimed and occupied on behalf of the U.S., Spain, and/or other colonizing interests without consent of the nations in primary possession. What do you think of these land acknowledgment statements? What words would you put into a statement of your own? We will return to these statements at the conclusion of this chapter, with two further examples for your consideration.

Land acknowledgment example #1:

“Long Beach City College acknowledges our presence on the traditional ancestral land of the Gabrielino/Tongva peoples. This land remains unceded territory. We acknowledge the painful history of genocide and forced removal from this territory. Long Beach City College honors and respects the Gabrielino/Tongva ancestors and their connection to this land.”

Land acknowledgment example #2:

“We respectfully acknowledge the University of Arizona is on unceded land of Indigenous peoples. Today, Arizona is home to 22 federally-recognized tribes, with Tucson being home to the O’odham and the Pascua Yaqui. Committed to diversity and inclusion, the University strives to build sustainable relationships with Arizona’s Native Nations and tribal communities through education offerings, partnerships, and community service.”

Now, if we return to the insights that Yvette DeChavez shared in her viral tweet and newspaper op-ed, we may better appreciate how she invokes decolonization within the context of education.

“In my role as a postdoctoral lecturer,” Dr. DeChavez explains, “Decolonization manifested as a syllabus and classroom that centered on the writing and perspectives of Native Americans and people of color, including classic texts by Leslie Marmon Silko, Toni Morrison and Sandra Cisneros. This wasn’t an attempt to diversify; I wasn’t simply sprinkling in indigenous and person of color works. Instead, these voices were dominant” (DeChavez, 2018).

Dr. DeChavez’s personal insights build upon scholarly and popular observations of how the featured authors, voices, and perspectives considered normal and expected in today’s language and literature curricula stem from choices empowered during earlier periods of colonialism and nation-building (see, for example, Wiley & Lukes, 1996 on the US; Anyidoho, 2003 on Ghana; Irvine, 2008 on Sierra Leone; Dzahene-Quarshie & Moshi, 2014 on Ghana and Tanzania; Makoni et al., 2023 on Sudan). Seizures of land, natural resources (e.g., chromium, cobalt, copper, diamonds, gold, platinum, sisal, tantalum, uranium), and human labor accelerated under colonial rule were accompanied by seizures of control over languages, educational systems, and course curricula (Pugach, 2012; Heller & McElhinny, 2017; López-Gopar et al., 2021).

The sociopolitical and economic control exerted by colonial powers was mutually buoyed by imposition of outsider languages on local populations. For example, European colonialism throughout the Americas led to varying rises in dominance and prestige of Dutch, English, French, Portuguese, and Spanish—all outsider languages. Or, as esteemed Ewe poet and literary scholar Kofi Anyidoho (2003, p. 8) describes of English: “strange language of strangers”. Having come of age under British colonial influence in 1960s and 1970s Ghana, where he primarily spoke Ewe as a child, Dr. Anyidoho later reflected on his experience as a graduate of local schools through to the University of Ghana (p. 8-9): “After middle form two [grades 4-6 of the U.S. school system], Ewe language and literature dropped out of the syllabus, their place taken by this strange language of strangers.”

Reflecting further, Dr. Anyidoho goes on to disclose: “As an undergraduate in the University of Ghana, I went through a serious crisis with the knowledge I was presumably acquiring. […] Here I was in an English department that was to be observed even a decade later, in 1986, as the least decolonized in all of Anglophone Africa. Following a survey of the content of syllabi of about thirty English departments in Anglophone Africa, Benrth Lindfors [1995, p. 48] concluded: ‘The most radical reorientations of literature study have taken place at universities in Kenya and Tanzania, while the staunchest conservatism has been maintained by English Departments at the University of Ghana and the University of Cape Coast, resulting in only minor alterations of the old colonial curriculum’” (Anyidoho, 2003, p. 9).

Dr. Anyidoho’s insights provide a preview of how European colonialism resulted in lasting changes to education in African countries, as well as the prestige of West African languages such as Ewe, even after formal colonial rule had ended. For example, although Ghana gained independence from Britain in 1957, Ewe languages and literatures remained excluded from the curriculum; literature authored by Ghanaians in English was also excluded. By limiting students’ abilities to develop expertise in Ewe language and literature, the persistent exclusion of African languages and perspectives helped to further perpetuate the belief that Ewe (among other languages) was not worth studying.

“I tried to drop English and take up Ghanaian language studies for my graduate work,” Dr. Anyidoho shares. “To my utter disappointment, the then head of the Linguistics department pointed out that there was no faculty member at the time with enough specialization to supervise my research work in Ewe literature. I went back to English […] even though my lecturers in English insisted African literature in English was a waste of time…” (Anyidoho, 2003, p. 9).

Put into conversation, Dr. Anyidoho’s candid reflections on 1970s university study in Legon, Ghana, and Dr. DeChavez’s personal observations of 2010s university teaching in Austin, Texas, U.S., indicate that some of the same issues of language study and language-in-education persist to this day.  Both scholars pose decolonization as the antidote to colonialism. Decolonization in education is a commitment to reorienting what students and colleagues consider the literary canon—the established and celebrated core curriculum of her academic discipline.

Moreover, decolonization invites critical reflection on the how and why of a language’s social prestige and our personal and collective roles in upholding that status. When we pause to consider the broader context of influences on education worldwide, what we can begin to take notice of, is that Dr. DeChavez’s more recent struggles in the U.S. and focus on the course syllabus are not new. In fact, some 50 years prior, in 1968—even earlier than Dr. Anyidoho’s attempts to formally study Ewe at the University of Ghana, a similar debate was heating up in the halls of the University of Nairobi in Kenya (see Figure 3). “Why can’t African literature be at the centre [sic],” East African professors then asked, “So that we can view other cultures in relationship to it?” (Ngũgĩ, 1986, p. 89).

In this chapter, I invite you to join me as I draw upon my background as an applied linguist, experienced language instructor, and linguistic ethnographer in the examination of how decolonization movements and decoloniality, in both practical and theoretical terms, continue to hold important insights for language-focused practitioners. I introduce the theoretical approach of language socialization, a perspective originating with linguistic anthropologists and applied linguists (e.g., Schiefflin & Ochs, 1986; Moore, 1999; Duff, 2010; Li Wei, 2018; Anya, 2021; Thomas, 2021), to underscore how people across global and local contexts of family, school, work, and elsewhere communicate values and expectations through language, while also inculcating beliefs about language itself. With this theoretical approach in mind, I present language-focused examples arising from personal interrogations of my subjectivities as a lifelong learner of Swahili, a Black and African American woman, and an educator in settings inclusive of study abroad, community colleges, small liberal arts colleges, and research universities (e.g., Thomas, 2019, 2020, 2021, 2022, 2024).

Considering the Course Syllabus: Resisting Cultural and Linguistic Alienation in Kenya and India

“The syllabuses had the same pattern,” writes language theorist and literary activist Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o of his own schooling in Kenya under British colonialism. “Shakespeare, View of the entrance for the University of Nairobi campus, a building with many windows and the school seal etched in stone.Milton,Wordsworth, Shelley, Keats and Kipling were familiar names long before I knew I would even make it to Makerere [University in Kampala, Uganda for my studies]” (Ngũgĩ, 1986, p. 91).

One of the professors advocating for curricular change in the Literature Department at the University of Nairobi, Dr. Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o would come to be celebrated worldwide for his subversive novels and community-engaged playwriting in the Kikuyu language (also, Gikuyu or Gĩkũyũ). Ultimately, the professor would reflect on the curriculum debate and his own schooling and activist experiences in his 1986 pathbreaking book, Decolonising the Mind, written and published during his and his family’s forced political exile from Kenya (1982-2002). The period of exile followed his illegal imprisonment (Mutonya, 2020) for community collaborations in playwrighting and theater that used Kikuyu language and cultural song to critique the postcolonial government, deemphasize British values and English language, and dramatize the anticolonial aims of the Mau Mau—a multiyear, homegrown insurgent movement that had succeeded in precipitating Kenyan independence.

Dr. Ngũgĩ’s story illustrates how and why the course syllabus is a powerful vehicle for communicating to students what people, publications, and perspectives are valued as sources of knowledge. This subject is critical to us in second language teaching, because syllabi for language and literature courses also serve to narrow learners’ expectations of what is most urgent to learn about the new language and culture(s).

 

Defining Cultural and Linguistic Alienation

A portrait showing Dr. Ngũgĩ, smiling and reading from a book at a podium.Consider the most recent play, musical, or movie that you have seen, read, or heard about! How have these stories influenced and provoked your mindset, imagination, and creative potential? How often do you enjoy stories presented in languages other than English?

In Dr. Ngũgĩ’s experience, theater and literature (and access to these) are instruments of language and social power. During the 1960s and 1970s in particular, Shakespeare, rather than any local playwright, was a regular fixture on Nairobi stages. Effectively, the costly admission price and use of English in these performances made attending theater an elite privilege. Primary and secondary schooling in Kenya—then taught almost exclusively in English, a language not typically spoken by students at home—also reflected a focus on Shakespeare and other European literary giants. These language and cultural differences presented challenges to young students’ success, and further reinforced theater and literature as top-down instruments of British Empire, rather than tools of local, popular expression.

Although Kenya had declared itself independent from Britain in 1963, the University of Nairobi’s leading faculty were British, including the head (Chair) of the English Department. The university curriculum therefore remained patterned after how the subject was taught in London, with a goal of graduating an elite Black bourgeoisie that would speak/read in English and uphold British values. And with European voices at the beginning, middle, and end of the syllabus, European and English-language approaches to language, culture, and life were presented as reasoned, universal, and superior.

“The bad African character [in such literature],” writes Dr. Ngũgĩ, “Was the one who offered resistance to the foreign conquest and occupation of his country. Such a character was portrayed as being ugly, weak, cowardly and scheming” (p. 92).

Africans were effectively racialized and demonized, by repeated framings of their entire “group” in association with characteristics and behaviors deemed undesirable and disordered within European worldviews. These false, harmful ideas fueled the empowering self-beliefs held by British settlers living on Kenyan lands, as well as other agents of British empire. The colonial regime benefitted from circulating ideas that undermined the people and languages it sought to control, and whose labor, land, and natural resources it sought to exploit. Such dehumanizing ideas were not unique to British colonialism, as Latin Americanist Aníbal Quijano (2019) reminds us:

 

“Raze e identidad racial fueron establecidas como instrumentos de clasificación indicaban solamente procedencia geográfica o país de origen, desde entonces social básica de la población” (p. 261). Race and racial identity were established as instruments of classification that indicated only geographic origin or country of origin, since then [becoming] the social basis of the population.[1]

 

Meanwhile, the people denigrated (or expressly not included) in colonial literatures, such as Dr. Ngũgĩ, were encouraged to feel ashamed or distressed by their own physical appearances, ways of speaking, socioeconomic realities, and cultural practices. In these ways, language was integral to campaigns of self-hate and exclusion aimed at coercing Africans into accepting their imposed circumstance as colonial subjects. Both racist English literatures and the exclusion of African literary creatives were tools of language socialization during and after formal colonial rule in Kenya, which was first declared in 1895.

Language and Literature as Tools of Persuasion

The situation of language and literature in schools in India, a formal British colony from 1858 to 1947, was similarly aligned with projecting the cultural and linguistic superiority of the British. As literary theorist and professor Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak (2012, p. 38) observes of her own experiences growing up under British rule in India, the practice of teaching and learning English in the colonies relied upon literature as a central tool in the covert “ideological transformation” of learners into ideal or “implied readers”.

A woman with short gray hair, Dr. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, speaking intently into a microphone.

The implied reader, explains Dr. Spivak, is one for whom the text is designed to include, as though the desired reader is intrinsic to the author’s speech community of shared linguistic values and behaviors. This, in and of itself, is not a bad thing. However, the problem arises when learners are induced to condone and approve of discourses, aesthetic descriptions, and themes that actively harm and disparage their self-concepts and multilingual identities. Through such an “aesthetic education” immersed in colonizer values, Dr. Spivak underscores in acknowledgment of Dr. Ngũgĩ’s insights, the implied reader is “drawn into patterns of cultural value as she assents to a text, says ‘yes’ to its judgments, in other words, reads it with pleasure” (Spivak, 2012, p. 38).

In the second language classroom, the notion of the implied reader may take on added significance. By teaching learners to comprehend and appreciate the idioms, tenses, orthography, and other nuances of a new language, instructors are encouraging their assent to a different conceptual paradigm—one that is not wholly intended for learners’ participation. Consider, for example, that second language learners are often not conceived as part of the main audiences for new music singles, audiobooks, movie trailers, magazine ads, or road signs in the language of study. In truth, the practice of learning a new language forces us to push our way into a new audience and join a conversation that is otherwise exclusive. It is a journey in adopting the communicative skills and cultural sensibilities of the implied audience or speech community of the language of study, which also opens us up to being influenced by the implicit and explicit values and priorities of the intended audience. These additional skills and sensibilities in the new language may run parallel to or subsume our own foundational values, leading to multiple subjectivities and identities, particularly through study abroad experiences (Murphey et al., 2004; Anya, 2011; Diao, 2016; Thomas, 2021).

As Dr. Spivak (2012, p. 38) continues, “When we teach our students to read with pleasure texts where the implied reader is culturally alien and hegemonic, the assent might bring a degree of alienation.” This cultural and linguistic alienation surfaces because, in order to enjoy and appreciate the hegemonic or empowered text (and its constituent language, characters, setting, and storyline), the learner must subvert and suspend their own values and reality, and maybe even their own humanity. The experience of reading for enjoyment thereby implies a process of socialization into and through language.

The issue of cultural alienation should therefore be of particular concern to language instructors, as we are often in a position to teach with and through texts (written, aural, visual, tactile) which may present narratives and aesthetics that challenge learners’ ideologies of language, as well as their self-concepts and imaginings of themselves as creative users of the language of study. At the same time, teaching learners to appreciate the legitimacy of other speech communities is also a key goal of language education. Arguably, language instructors have a responsibility to inform themselves about the historical context of the language(s) they teach, and to teach learners about the how the language(s) is used in service of empowered and marginalized perspectives. Language instructors can use their course syllabus, and choices of course materials, as opportunities to engage with diverse voices, communities, and world locations of the language of study. As Dr. Spivak advises, “The teacher must negotiate and make visible what is merely clandestine” (p. 38).

Black and white photograph of smiling young woman appearing with traditional fabric with Arabic script patterns.For example, if teaching the Swahili language, a language instructor can use historical photographs, narratives, and newspapers and other documents to explain and discuss factors that led Swahili to be written today in Latin script, although it was originally written in Arabic script. This shift in Swahili literacy was imposed by the British as early as the 1940s. Under the guise of standardizing Swahili, this change in writing systems was also intended to unmoor Swahili from its Islamic heritage and assist colonials with gaining control over the language (Topan, 2008). In East Africa, although British attempts to exert control over language met significant resistance, these efforts ultimately succeeded in forcing a change in Swahili literacy. However, British efforts were predated by German colonization in the same region, during which Germany became heavily invested in the linguistics and teaching of East African languages such as Swahili to its colonial agents and military as a means of expanding influence and control over local populations (Pugach, 2012; Pike, 1986).

Numerous African language instructors were brought to Germany as Lektoren (foreign language assistants) or Sprachgehilfen (language assistants) to teach Swahili and other languages such as Ewe as early as the mid-1880s. In exploring the German legacy of Afrikanistik (African language and culture studies), Africanist scholar Sara Pugach notes that these African language instructors “did not match the carefully cultivated stereotype of the purportedly ‘wild’ natives” (Pugach, 2012, p. 142-143). Rather, the significant contributions of African Lektoren were essential to the German academy, and ultimately contributed to the institutionalizing of African Studies and colonial discourses in Germany—a tradition that continues to this day. In fact, although German control over German East Africa (today’s countries of Burundi, Rwanda, mainland Tanzania, and Mozambique), German West Africa (today’s Cameroon and Togo), and German South West Africa (today’s Namibia), was variously ceded to the British and French due to its losses in World War I, German dominance in the fields of Africanist linguistics and language studies has since remained impactful.

In the decades since, anticolonial writers and activists such as Dr. Ngũgĩ, as well as Kenyan and Tanzanian hip hop artists, have creatively and imaginatively used Indigenous languages like Swahili to challenge linguistic subjugation (Mutonya, 2020; Ntarangwi, 2016; Higgins, 2008; Wanguhu, 2007). Their activism works to disrupt the colonial matrix of power, a concept articulated by scholars Walter Mignolo and Catherine Walsh (2018) to describe the coordinated dimensions of colonialism, including: racism, sexism, and political, economic, and military power. Efforts to push back upon and dismantle these avenues of power amount to decoloniality in thinking and doing, a praxis that “undoes, disobeys, and delinks from this matrix” (Mignolo and Walsh, 2018, p. 4).

Acknowledgments / Shukrani

Asante sana! My sincere gratitude to Maina Mutonya and Darién Sánchez Nicolás for their comments on previous versions of this chapter. I also wish express appreciation to the editors of this project and the anonymous reviewers for their thoughtful feedback. Thank you also to the people and communities that allowed me to learn from them through original research I cite in this chapter.


  1. “Translation from the Spanish to the English, my own.”
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